Stalin: the God-Man of philosophical materialism

In this man, developing Matter achieved Its highest expression and became the object of a full-fledged religious cult.

Joseph (Iosif) Vissarionovich Stalin (Dzhugashvili) was actually born on December 18th,1878 (officially, 21st, 1879) in Georgia, part of the Russian empire at the time, into a shoemaker’s family. The family was rather poor, but the parents were trying to give their son decent education and prepare him for the career of a clergyman. At the age of 10, Joseph, or Soso, entered the preparatory classes at a local Greek Orthodox theological college. During that time, he learned the Russian language which made it possible for him to enter the college proper in 1889. Alongside the profound study of the Bible, the college provided knowledge of general subjects, the Church Slavonic and Greek languages, and also church singing. The young theologian was one of the college’s best performers and was recommended to the next educational stage, a theological seminary.

In 189Joseph Stalin 1879-1953) in 1894 at the time when he entered Tiflis seminary4, Iosif Dzhugashvili, having brilliantly passed the entrance examination, entered the Greek Orthodox theological seminary in the city of Tiflis (now Tbilisi). The youth of the dictator-to-be was marked, first of all, by a passion for poetry. He not only read much, but he wrote quite good verses which would be published in local periodicals. One of his poems was subsequently entered into “The reader of Georgian poetry”. But soon another, stronger ardour took possession of him.

Paradoxically as it may seem, it was exactly during Iosif’s studies at the theological seminary that he arrived at the conclusion that “there was no God”. This “revelation” determined his entire subsequent life. At the same time, he did not become a nihilist: he only rejected the God Who was told him of at the seminary and cleared ground in his soul for a new God. Possibly, it was just then that Iosif became dimly conscious that it was he who would become this new God, or, more precisely, His incarnation.

In Tiflis, Iosif encountered the exiled members of underground Marxist groups. Before too long, he became an ardent follower of this doctrine proclaiming the “liberation of man” as its main objective. The young Stalin was impatient to put it into practice. He started to actively popularize Marxism among workers and then placed himself at the head of one of Marxist groups. Certainly, it was hard to combine his teeming activity in the field of Marxism with his education at the theological seminary. In 1889, in his last year before graduation, Iosif Dzhugashvili was expelled from the seminary due to “non-attendance”.

Iosif got by with casual earnings and private tuition. In the process, he devoted himself more and more to revolutionary activity. He would organize demonstrations, strikes, and other workers’ actions not only in Tbilisi, but also in Baku, Batumi and other cities of Trans-Caucasia. Besides, he would contribute articles to a Marxist newspaper. In 1902, he was arrested and exiled to Siberia, from where he, however, escaped. Before too long, Iosif returned to his native land and continued his revolutionary struggle with renewed vigour.

After the stalin2nd congress of the Russian Social Democratic Workes’ Party (RSDRP) held in 1903, Iosif sided with Lenin’s followers, the Bolsheviks. During the 1st Russian 1905-1907 revolution, he became one of the main Bolshevik “operatives” in the Caucasus. His duties, apart from propaganda and organizational work, included raising funds for revolutionary purposes. Here, various methods were used, in particular, extortion, kidnapping for ransom, and bank robberies. Serving those purposes was also the formation of paramilitary squads.

After the revolution, Dzhugashvili continued his revolutionary career. In 1912, he joined the RSDRP’s governing body, its Central Committee. In the period of time between the two Russian revolutions, he was repeatedly arrested and exiled to Siberia. But every time he managed to flee and return to his habitual activities. At about that time, Dzhugashvili assumed the name “Stalin” (from the Russian word “stal” [stahl], or “steel”) which became his conspiratorial and literary name. He also became fairly skilled in Marxist theory, which he managed not only to learn by then, but also push forward, with regard to the ongoing revolutionary practice. In 1913, his article “Marxism and the national problem” was published, in which Stalin came out in defence of the principle of proletarian internationalism, against “cultural-national autonomies”.

After the February 1917 revolution, Stalin arrived in St. Petersburg (renamed into Petrograd by then) from another exile. Initially, he came out in support of the Provisional Government, believing, like the influential Russian Marxist G. V. Plekhanov, that the country was first meant to go through the stage of comprehensive bourgeois-democratic reform. Yet, after the returning to Russia of V. I. Lenin, Stalin changed his mind and, like Lenin, turned from being a social democrat into a communist. Stalin backed up Lenin’s idea of transforming the ongoing bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, and the imperialist war, into a civil war.

At the 6th RSDRP congress, held in August 1917, Stalin delivered the Central Committee’s summary report. It was for the first time that he was replacing Lenin, who had commonly been the principal speaker at such events and who failed to turn up at this congress because of a threat of being arrested. In October of the same year, Stalin actively supported Lenin in his call to militarily overthrow the Provisional Government and transfer power to the Soviets (or Councils) of Workmen’s, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies (controlled by the Bolsheviks by then).

After the victory of the Bolshevik 1917 October Revolution, Stalin was included in the new government, the Soviet of People’s Commissars, as the commissar (minister) for nationality affairs. Jointly with Lenin, he initiated one of the first decrees of the Soviet power, “The declaration of the rights of the peoples of Russia”, in which, among other things, the right of any nation within Russia for self-determination was declared.

The dispersal of the Constitutional Assembly in 1918 unleashed a civil war in Russia. Vladimir Lenin became the new-born Bolshevik state’s de facto leader. Stalin, as had been the case during the 1st Russian revolution of 1905-1907, appeared as one of the main Bolshevik “operatives”, and he would be sent to the most important sectors of the front. The only difference was that now he was invested with almost the whole authority, with only Lenin left above him.

The first important mission for Stalin was providing grain supplies from the North Caucasus to the industrial regions of Russia. Stalin’s headquarters were situated in the city of Tsaritsyn (then Stalingrad, now Volgograd) surrounded by White Guard formations, so he had also to assume military leadership of the area. Here, Stalin was bound to take very tough measures, which, however, were justified in times of war (the only confusion being that the new regime was “legitimate” solely from the viewpoint of the Bolsheviks). Anyway, by October 1918, the White Guardists were thrown off the city, and food supplies from Russia’s south were resumed.

Throughout the Civil War, Stalin proved to be a reliable and initiative executor of the new regime’s decrees. Perhaps, with the exception of one episode, the Polish campaign, when Stalin opposed the capture of Warsaw, which Lenin and Trotsky insisted upon. Then, choosing between “proletarian internationalism” and “patriotism”, he clearly inclined to the latter. Really, the victory of socialist revolution in one country, “taken separately”, had already been achieved. So, wasn’t it better to get down to strengthening the power in the country of triumphant socialism than chase the ghost of world revolution? As the saying goes, a bird in the hand is better than two in the bush.

After the Civil War, Stalin took part in unifying the territories, on which the Soviet rule had set in, into a single state. He proposed to admit the neighbouring Soviet republics into Russia as autonomies. However, his “autonomization” plan was decisively rejected by Lenin. Stalin was accused of attempting to restore the Russian Empire together with its notorious “national outlying districts”. As a result, a new state, the USSR, came into existence in 1922, as a union of independent and equal republics having the right to secede and form a state of its own.

That same year, Stalin was entrusted with an important organizational work, that is, putting things in order in the registration and placing of party cadres. For this reason, a new position was established, a “General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks), which Stalin was appointed to. Thus, under the guidance of Stalin, a new class, “party bureaucracy”, was arising in Russia.

In the meantime, the leader of the Bolshevik Revolution and the country’s government chairman V. I. Lenin fell seriously ill. Stalin was entrusted to “monitor” Lenin’s treatment, thanks to which he became virtually the only mediator between the expiring Leader and the outer world. In doing so, Stalin displayed excessive zeal, having ventured to be rude to Lenin’s wife, Nadezhda Krupskaya. The helpless Lenin took it to heart and demanded an apology from Stalin. However, he never lived to see it, having been stricken with another fit of the disease. And yet, Lenin managed to dictate a letter, in which he gave Stalin an uncomplimentary testimonial and expressed doubts in Stalin’s ability to use the immense powers enjoyed by him as the Party’s general secretary in a proper way.

After Lenin’s death, a struggle for the Leader’s legacy intensified. Certainly, Lenin had called on his comrades for caution with regard to Stalin. But what he feared most was a split in Bolshevik party ranks. In the meantime, prerequisites for such a split were tangible, considering, first of all, a standoff between Stalin and L. D. Trotsky. Trying to weaken Trotsky’s influence, Stalin was maneuvering skillfully, consecutively siding with various factions of the “Lenin Guard”. In the process, he was building up his influence, engaging in the placement of cadres in the position of general secretary, which he managed to secure himself.

At the same time, Stalin would not forget about theory. He would deliver lectures at various universities, devoted to the Leninist stage in the development of Marxism (proceeding from those lectures, a book, “Of the foundations of Leninism”, was soon issued). Stalin treats Leninism, which had been arisen in Russia, as an international phenomenon, as “Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolutions”. He insisted that the further development of Marxism consisted exactly in the overthrow of capitalism and establishment of a dictatorship of proletariat. He regarded the latter as the “basic issue of Leninism”, and the Soviet rule, as the state form of the above dictatorship. In his view, solving all other problems, including those concerning nationalities and peasants, should be subordinate to the interests of the dictatorship of proletariat. The Party, according to Stalin, appears as the supreme form of organization of proletariat, as an implement of proletarian dictatorship. Hence follows the necessity to fight the enemies of Leninism both within the country and in the entire world. Here, Stalin put a special stress on fighting “alien elements” within the Party.

Coming into the picture was a well-composed, universal doctrine representing a logical completion of philosophical materialism. Only one, finishing stroke was missing there, a teaching about the Leader as the supreme embodiment, or, more precisely, personification of the ever-existing, developing Matter. But that was rather a matter of practice.

Everything seemed to be going well in the country of triumphant socialism. Impressive successes were reported in the field of “cultural revolution”, “industrialization”, and “collectivization”. There was already no need neither to prove the correctness of the “party line” nor finish “anti-party” groups off. But one fine day, the main item on the young Soviet state’s agenda turned out to be the issue of recognizing Stalin as… God.

For many of the Old Bolshevik Guard, such a turn came as a complete surprise. A murmur could be heard, something like: “How is that? There has been no such an arrangement. We earnestly meant to liberate man, in particular, from religion, from “Goddie”. As a matter of fact, Marxism proceeds from the truly existing Nature, from the primacy of Matter in It. To prevent any deviation from this stance, Lenin put forward the idea of “militant materialism”, that is, an uncompromising attitude towards all the attributes of religion, including a religious cult. In the meantime, Russia’s communist party had long since degenerated into the real materialistic Church. As one of Its eminent members put it, “if the Party, in order to win Its victories and implement Its objectives, demands to call white black, I will accept it and make it my conviction”.

Much as they would resist, the Bolsheviks had to eventually accept the reality. If the Party has so decreed, let it be a cult, – they decided. They hoped that everything would amount to eulogizing. First reluctantly, then more and more vigorously, they joined the vociferous chorus of voices glorifying the new God. And yet, they underestimated the full scale of the emerging cult. Whereas the true God asks for love, an Idol wants sacrifices. And those were not long in coming. To start with, it might be a forced transfer to another job or just being sacked. Then the “infidels” would be exiled from large cities, and some of them would even be put into prison. The Bolsheviks, again, were set to put up with it and, again, tended to believe that everything would come to nothing more than that. But there were increasing signs that the new cult was going to show its most sinister side, that is, human sacrifices.

“Pinpoint” human sacrifices had begun rather a long time ago. First of all, these were influential personalities, who may have been philosophical materialists who believed in communist ideals, but whose faith was not outright consistent and failed to “rise” to a selfless adoration to the incarnated new God. You may be a philosophical materialist, Marxist, even Leninist. But this is not enough. You may only become a genuine materialist, when all theoretical disputes and revolutionary practice have merged for you into the simplicity of a religious cult. In other words, one cannot be a philosophical materialist and not Stalinist. All in all, it will be sufficient just to love Stalin, if you want to be “saved”.

Strange as it may seem, the initial claimant to the title of the materialist God, V. I. Lenin, became one of the first sacrifices laid on the altar of the nascent cult. He, too, proved to be insufficiently consistent. Although he was the recognized Leader, he would never tolerate his personality cult. True, he spoke out for the means of production to become common property, but, in reality, he returned market relations into the economy. Besides, Lenin was not so cannibalistic and was not in the habit of eliminating his opponents “just in case” but only if necessary. All this, together with his worsening health condition, did not enable him to bring the cause of philosophical materialism to the natural end, that is, to the establishment of an unchallenged cult of the Leader.

After Lenin, lesser-scale figures followed, such as Trotsky or Frunze. Then it was turn for cultural and artistic figures. Among them, there were true adherents of Marxism, such as Vladimir Mayakovsky or Maxim Gorky. However, their communist convictions, again, fell short of a full-fledged religious faith. Their influence in the country was really great, so, one had to get rid of them, as the saying goes, “out of harm’s way”.

Some of Stalin’s comrades would call Him behind his back an “outstanding mediocrity” and “Genghis Khan”. Still, it would be unfair to picture Him as an accomplished barbarian. Certainly, he lacked such inner culture and refinement that had been inherent as yet in, say, Herzen, Plekhanov, and, partly, even in Lenin. But it should be kept in mind that the more philosophical materialism was unfolding, the simpler its tasks were turning out to be. The more Matter was becoming personified, the more inferiority and brutality It was displaying.

Nevertheless, Stalin had quite well “enriched His mind with the knowledge of all the treasures created by mankind”. He read a lot, and one can still find in his library hundreds of books dappled with his marks and notes. His range of reading materials was rather wide. It comprised abundant reference and socio-political literature, history books, and also Russian and foreign classics. Among his favourite authors were F. M. Dostoyevsky and E. Zola. According to Stalin, 500 pages was His “daily norm”.

He was a pretty good judge of music. Once he heard Tchaikovky’s 5th symphony on the radio. He did not like the rendition and telephoned the radio’s director:
– Who is conducting Tchaikovky’s symphony?
– Konstantin Ivanov, comrade Stalin.
– Doesn’t it seem to you that Mravinsky conducts it better?
– Yes, comrade Stalin. We shall fix it in no time.
The recording was stopped, and after a short pause the transmission was resumed with Tchaikovky’s symphony played in the “right” rendition.

Stalin patronized the Bolshoi Theatre and never missed its single production. His kindly feelings, however, extended exclusively to classical music, and he could not tolerate any kind of “avant-garde music”. He would, not without reason, call the latter “formalistic”, which usually was fraught with “organizational decisions” in relation to those, who composed it. Still, repressions here were rather sparing, and it seldom or never came to shooting. It was aptly expressed by J. Goebbels that artists “should be wagged finger at once in a while to keep them closer to reality”. As regards Stalin’s favourites, e. g. the singer I. S. Kozlovsky, pianist E. Gilels, conductor Ye. A. Mravinsky, and some others, they could take merely impermissible liberties.

In 1934, a fatal shot resounded, which terminated the life of Stalin’s “nurseling”, S. M. Kirov, the popularity of whom had reached threatening dimensions, and who had had the imprudence to propose holding “public discussions” with the Deity. The murder served as a pretext for moving on to mass sacrifices.

For further unfolding of the scenario, this murder had to be presented as the work of the “Trotsky-Zinoviev Centre”. Here, Stalin faced some “technical” difficulties. But he did not give up. Just as in elections “it does not matter how the votes are cast, but it does matter how they are counted”, so in everyday life “it does not matter what people actually do, but it does matter how they are interrogated”. And yet, it was not evident to everybody that God did not exist (more accurately, that God was Stalin), nor were evident to them the “advantages” of the materialist religion. It may be even said that Stalin’s plans were initially softly sabotaged.

He managed to get his way, after all. To start with, 2 outstanding representatives of the “Lenin guard”, G. Ye. Zinoviev and L. B. Kamenev, were shot. Then, a sigh of relief seemed to have run over the ranks of the rest of the old Leninites: they thought this all would come to nothing more than this. However, this sop only excited the appetite of the blood-thirsty Moloch, and soon a witch-hunt turned into an unbridled bacchanalia. More and more “plots” and “undergrounds” were discovered everywhere, together with their “masterminds”, “agitators” and “propagandists”. Not only “enemies” themselves were shot, but also their close relatives, including children. To avoid a stir, those arrested would be transported around the city in lorries having a sign “Bread”, while those shot would be said as given “10 years without the right of correspondence”.

Stalin skillfully directed the process, pitting one group of “enemies” against another, so that he himself did not even have to do anything special. Not only the executioners, but the victims, too, seemed to have understood what was required of them. Each group of those accused would slander the next one, so it all took on the form of some endless conveyor. Stalin, like a weaver operating a number of looms, would go round his infernal machinery and fix the arising problems now here, now there. Actually, he even did not have to “go round”: all the needed lists would be brought to his office, and he would only put crosses or interrogative signs against the appropriate names. Often, he would invite his inner-circle comrades to join in this game of “noughts and crosses”. This is where he would get the feeling of unlimited power and permissiveness, which is as inherent in “natural” gods, as is it alien to the true God.

Unlike hisjoseph-stalin-photo idol, Ivan the Terrible, Stalin did not like vising his torture chambers: he preferred officiating in the quiet of his study. Still, to be certain, his written instructions were sent out authorizing the employment of the methods of physical influence against “outright” enemies. All the dirty work was done by executioners. Here, much depended on the chief executioner, and Stalin could not decide on the appropriate candidature quite a while. G. G. Yagoda was too “flabby”, N. I. Yezhov, too blood-thirsty. At last, Stalin found his “golden ratio” in the person of L. P. Beria (who would recommend to “properly smash the captive’s face before sending him to kingdom come”). It’s not that Stalin feared the scale of his evil deeds. The point was that under Yezhov, the flywheel of repressions started spinning so fast, that it could easily get out of control. This could lead to Stalin himself being declared the “enemy of the people”.

Some facts testify that those repressions were actually sacrifices. For example, shooting quotas issued to the local units of the NKVD would often be exceeded several times. Many of those being shot would utter before dying the name of the God Whom they were being given as a sacrifice to. They would scream out: “Long live Stalin!” Such “revelations” would have demoralizing impact on firing squads, which would urge the executioners to resort to various tricks. For example, those condemned would be transported to the shooting range in mobile gassing trucks, so that they would be half-conscious by the moment of shooting.

And yet, Stalin would sometimes show some signs of humaneness, although those signs were very peculiar. One day, another “sorting list” was brought to him, in which he noticed the name of his childhood friend, Sergo Kavtaradze. Having hesitated a little, he drew against this name some squiggle. The “executors” failed to decipher this hieroglyph, but, to play safe, put Kavtaradze on the rack and after fake shooting, sent him and his wife to the Gulag. But the friend’s fate gave Stalin no rest. A couple of years later, he summoned Beria and asked: “Where is Kavtaradze?” The next day, the poor fellow appeared before the Leader’s eyes.

  • Where, on earth, have you been all this time?
    In the camp, Soso.
    You’ve chosen the wrong time, my friend.

Stalin took him by the arm and distinctly whispered in his ear: “After all, you really wanted to kill me, didn’t you?” And… sent him to Rumania as an ambassador.

It is significant that neither Stalin, nor his closest assistants have ever been formally tried or charged. On the contrary, Stalin continues to be an icon for a significant percentage of Russia’s population, while liberal values have never been popular in this country.

How come an atheistic state had developed a full-scale religious cult?

The point is that “Matter” is not at all as innocuous a substance as It may at first seem. In point of fact, It represents an “historically limited” Image of God, and, as Such, It persistently and inevitably seeks to be incarnated. For Matter is not just the “corporality” of Nature. It develops and, in the course of Its development, It gives rise to Human Society. The Latter, in turn, produces Its own vanguard, the Party. Finally, the Advanced Man emerges from the bowels of the Party, the Leader. But, considering the Leader’s origin from the pre-existent Matter, He is not just a leader: He essentially is an historical God the Son. Thus, the edifice of Matter, having originated from the “Primeval Nebula”, is now completed and stretches to full length. In Modern Times, It reaches Its supreme expression in the person of Stalin.

Certainly, Matter’s titanic efforts towards Its “incarnation” fit very willingly into Russia’s historical backwardness, above all, into the Russian autocratic traditions. And yet, none of previous autocrats – neither a “pious” Ivan the Terrible, nor a “liberal” Peter the Great – had failed to do such a profound shock to the country, from which Russia, as well as the whole mankind, cannot fully recover to this day. On the other hand, this was bound to happen: the day comes when this already quite tangible, but still unhewn Image of God shows in full.

From the time of the materialistic God’s revelation, the Russian government’s efforts were largely aimed at the perpetuation of the new cult and pleasing the new-found Deity. Any other activity was considered to be of secondary importance and even superfluous. The economy was effectively destroyed or mutilated. Here, pre-revolutionary production facilities were barbarically operated, while gigantic projects, ventured by new-sprung priests, appeared to be just those developed as early as under the tsar. The country’s industry would produce goods that were hardly useful to anybody. Peasantry was eliminated “as a class”, while agricultural goods produced by kolkhozes were only just enough to feed the elite and keep the rest of the population on the edge of survival. Millions of people were killed; others were doomed to slave labour.

Neither disregarded he the country’s army leadership. Many marshals, generals, and officers were sacrificed to the insatiable Moloch. As a result of the “measures” taken, the country found itself unprepared for the war in 1941, and an enemy aggression proved completely unexpected, even “perfidious” for it. The Russian army in the field was crushed in the very early days, and the war lasted until the enemy got bogged down in Russia’s boundless expanses, studded with the bodies of its unlucky defenders.

Stalin took his “miscalculation” hard. Immediately after the war began, he retreated to his near-Moscow residence. For hours, he would sit, having clasped his head with his hands, reiterating to himself: “We’ve fucked Russia up!” However, being the country’s autocratic ruler, he, at bottom, could not help but understand that it was exactly he who “fucked Russia up”. When it was announced there were visitors to see him, he got downright scared: he was almost certain that he was going to be arrested (and there were really reasons for that!). But it was a false alarm. It was the members of his inner circle asking him to return. Thank God! At least, this is where he did not miscalculate: his, even imaginary, contenders were all dead by then.

To start with, one had to gather the surviving military commanders, so that they, in turn, gather the remainder of the army, re-arm it, bring it up to strength, and develop the proper strategy. Here, Stalin had to grudgingly surrender the initiative to General G. K. Zhukov (subsequently, Stalin would accuse him of the “ascribing to himself of a decisive role in carrying out all basic military operations during the war”). Moreover, Stalin made up his mind to use the profaned by him, but not yet extinct in people, traditional Christian faith: the remaining temples were reopened for service, and he would address citizens just as “brothers and sisters”. Unlike their leaders, Russian people are generally forgiving and not asking much. They responded to these stingy and openly self-interested signs of friendliness with all their heart. Yet again, millions of them went to their martyrdom with the name of Stalin on their lips, resuming the flow of sacrifices, offered to the deceitful God of philosophical materialism.

After thestalin1 war, Stalin tried to continue his routine work of perpetuating his own cult. An intensive search for enemies or “rivals” was resumed. He imagined them to be everywhere – among the party bureaucracy, high-rank officers, physicians, writers, and musicians. But time had changed by then, and now it was working against him. The Revolution that had taken him to the pinnacle of secular and sacred power was far behind. The war had brought innumerable woes to the people. Still, it was exactly thanks to it that the Russian people had had a chance to get a sight of Europe, which could not but give rise to a lot of questions and doubts in relation to their own country. Aging added to exacerbation and even distortion of Stalin’s basic character traits. He was becoming more and more distrustful and suspicious. His physical health was also worsening: he developed arterial hypertension and other diseases. But he was wary of doctors and did not receive systematic treatment. Moreover, as any unchallenged ruler, he thought he would live forever (there have been other extremes, however: Hitler, for example, thought he was seriously ill and would soon die).

All the above, together with Stalin’s prolonged stay in power, resulted in his losing the grip of the situation or perceiving it more and more inadequately. Some mention Stalin’s “maniacality”. But it is not quite so: all his thoughts and actions were dictated by a single logic, proceeding from the primacy of Matter, which he personified, and which urged him both towards internal tyranny and external expansion. Therefore he did not feel his age and was overwhelmed with grandiose plans. In particular, he was going to radically renew the country’s leadership and, exploiting military success, spread communism to the entire world.

But “there is only one step from the sublime to the ridiculous”, and Stalin ended up in a banal manner. One fine day, he raised his hand against his closest entourage, with whom he had for many years been tied up by joint responsibility. Stalin began to suspect one of his true minions, V. M. Molotov, who would often act for him at the meetings, of his veiled pursuit of power. Moreover, he planned to take out his insidious fellow countryman, L. P. Beria. This triggered an agonizing attempt to consolidate the power. The signs were that Stalin was about to undertake another sweeping purge of the ruling elite. The members of His inner circle smelled the rat, and this time around the destiny of the ailing Deity was decided. Soon He was found dead at His country residence near Moscow. Extreme leukocytosis was detected in Stalin’s blood. But since he was known to have suffered from hypertension, death caused by a stroke looked more “true to life”. And that was exactly what was stated in the official medical report. Stalin’s death was certified on March 5th, 1953.

So, it happened. Matter manifested Itself, having risen from bottom to top, and became a human person. Yes, Stalinism, too, is an attempt to bring the Kingdom of Heaven to this earth. Although, it was a not yet ripe, premature, or, more precisely, anticipating attempt. And yet, it was not the first and, most likely, not last attempt in history. In its scale, it can be only compared, perhaps, to the French Revolution or German Nazism. Such attempts always drive the world into a morbid, exalted state for some time. But it is exactly how the Divine Personality lying in the foundation of being is meant to assert Itself.

Such upheavals do not pass without consequences, including positive ones. They teach us to promote the ideals of reason and enlightenment, to listen keenly to the call of “blood and soil”, and also to remember to help the poor. But one gets into trouble, if such ideals start to be prayed to.

It only remains for us to be hopeful that the revelation of God as Matter is not the last one. And, lying ahead are more inspiring and joyous revelations, bringing us nearer to the Prototype.

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